February 11, 2026

Sanctions Licenses in Venezuela

How to read OFAC’s latest moves in the post-Maduro landscape.


What Happened—and What Didn’t


Since U.S. special forces captured and extracted Nicolás Maduro on January 3, 2026, the Treasury Department has issued a steady stream of Venezuela-related sanctions licenses. Acting President Delcy Rodríguez has signed a new hydrocarbons law, released political prisoners, and signaled willingness to cooperate with Washington. Against this backdrop, OFAC’s February 10 package—which included GL 30B alongside GL 48 and GL 46A—has fueled speculation that Venezuela’s market is reopening.


What’s the Licenses: A Significant Gap Between Perception and Reality


GL 30B specifically authorizes transactions with INEA—Venezuela’s National Institute of Aquatic Spaces—and entities in which INEA holds a 50 percent or greater interest, for activities “ordinarily incident and necessary to operations or use of ports and airports in Venezuela.” In plain terms, this means ships can dock. Planes can land. Humanitarian goods and authorized cargo can move through Venezuelan infrastructure.


What GL 30B does not authorize is equally important: no transactions with PdVSA outside existing specific licenses, no financial market access for the Venezuelan government, no new debt purchases, no operations benefiting Russian entities, and no broad oil and gas sector activities without separate authorization. The broader sanctions architecture—built through executive orders dating back to 2017—remains in place.



The Licensing Pattern Worth Understanding


To understand what GL 30B signals, you need to see it within Washington’s broader approach to Venezuela sanctions since 2023. The U.S. doesn’t lift sanctions wholesale—it issues calibrated, time-limited or conditional licenses that can be extended, modified, or revoked with minimal notice. This gives Treasury maximum flexibility to respond to behavior on the ground.


The recent pattern tells a story: following the October 2023 Barbados Agreement, OFAC issued GL 43 (gold sector) and GL 44 (oil and gas) as six-month incentives for free and fair elections. When Venezuela’s supreme court upheld a ban on opposition candidate María Corina Machado in January 2024, GL 43 was immediately revoked. When the Maduro government violated the electoral roadmap in April 2024, GL 44 was not renewed—replaced instead with GL 44A providing only 45 days for wind-down operations.

Since then, Washington maintained a specific-license approach: companies like Chevron, Eni, and Repsol operated under individual authorizations that could be pulled at any time. In March 2025, Chevron’s license was itself revoked.


After Maduro’s removal, the licensing tempo accelerated. GL 46, issued January 29, authorized established U.S. entities to engage in Venezuelan oil trade—a significant expansion, but one loaded with conditions including strict payment terms and restrictions on digital payments. GL 47, issued February 3, authorized the sale of U.S.-origin diluents to Venezuela. Then came the February 10 package.


Washington is using licenses as leverage, not liberalization. Each authorization is narrow, conditional, and revocable. The system is designed to reward cooperation and punish backsliding—and the track record shows Treasury will do exactly that.

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Removing Maduro did not remove Madurismo. The regime’s institutional architecture—its courts, military structures, intelligence apparatus, and para-police colectivos—remains largely in place under Rodríguez.

The Post-Maduro Landscape: Reform or Performance?


Maduro’s capture created the trigger event many had been waiting for. Acting President Delcy Rodríguez has moved to consolidate power while projecting a reformist image. She signed a new oil law giving foreign companies greater rights over Venezuelan crude. She released political prisoners, with an amnesty bill working through the legislature. She has spoken of cooperation with Washington.


But as veteran regional observers have noted, Rodríguez is performing a difficult balancing act—meeting reform demands from Washington while managing pressure from military and civilian supporters who resist any political opening. Her apparent strategy looks like she does just enough to make her governance look like compliance. She appears to be waiting to see whether Washington’s focus fades.


Meanwhile, Fedecámaras president Felipe Capozzolo, who was elected in July 2025 by a narrow 87-85 margin reflecting deep divisions in Venezuela’s business community, has been calling for economic liberalization, private sector investment, and a national plan for employment and investment. He represents the pragmatic engagement faction, arguing that the private sector should be seen as the solution for the country’s economic recovery.


The Chavista economic model was more structural architecture than pure policy or ideology. PdVSA dominated hydrocarbons, and it became the financial spine through which the state channeled resources to every sector. The sectors most attractive to foreign investment—oil upstream, critical minerals, telecommunications—are precisely those most entangled with state ownership structures and kleptocratic networks that were deepened, not dismantled, by years of sanctions adaptation.


Why This Matters for Intelligence Professionals


For corporate intelligence teams and policy analysts tracking Venezuela, the temptation right now is to read the post-Maduro licensing activity as a directional signal toward normalized commercial relations. That reading is premature.

Regulatory Uncertainty Remains High


Any specific license can be revoked with minimal notice, as demonstrated repeatedly in the GL 43 and GL 44 cycle. Companies operating under GL 46 face strict conditions, and the authorization explicitly excludes exploration activity or negotiations for new investment. The broader sanctions architecture—including the SDN list, PdVSA designations, and financial market restrictions—remains intact.

The Political Transition Is Incomplete


Removing Maduro did not remove Madurismo. The regime’s institutional architecture—its courts, military structures, intelligence apparatus, and para-police colectivos—remains largely in place under Rodríguez. The Trump administration’s three-phase plan (Stability, Recovery, Transition) remains vaguely defined, with no clear timeline for elections, no identified governing authority for democratic transition, and a deep rift within the Venezuelan opposition itself between those pursuing regime change through external pressure and those arguing for negotiated electoral participation.

Financial Infrastructure Gaps Persist


Even with expanded licensing, Venezuela’s financial system remains largely disconnected from global markets. Correspondent banking relationships are severely limited. GL 46’s strict payment conditions—including requirements that payments to blocked persons be made into Foreign Government Deposit Funds—reflect this ongoing reality. Trade-based money laundering and opaque ownership structures mean even authorized operations face significant due diligence challenges.

What Would Signal Genuine Market Opening



Any specific license can be revoked with minimal notice, as demonstrated repeatedly in the GL 43 and GL 44 cycle. Companies operating under GL 46 face strict conditions, and the authorization explicitly excludes exploration activity or negotiations for new investment. The broader sanctions architecture—including the SDN list, PdVSA designations, and financial market restrictions—remains intact.

The Bottom Line


GL 30B is administrative housekeeping in what remains a calculated and evolving situation. The license ensures that basic port and airport infrastructure continues to function—without it, even humanitarian goods couldn’t move through Venezuela. It is not a pathway to broader market engagement.


The strategic question isn’t whether this particular license opens doors—it doesn’t. The question is whether the Rodríguez government can demonstrate enough transparency, institutional reform, and political progress to earn broader relief from a Washington that has shown it will use the licensing mechanism as both carrot and stick.


For now, the recommendation is to watch Capozzolo’s progress and Rodríguez’s reform trajectory over the next 6–12 months as the key indicators of potential change. Maintain compliance readiness for case-by-case specific license opportunities. And resist the temptation to interpret incremental licensing activity as a signal of normalized commercial relations.


The broader market remains closed. The question is what it will take to open it—and how long that process will actually take.

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Sources and Further Reading:

Nelson leveraged over 15 sources for this analysis, including. A special thanks to
Caracas Chronicles for sharing the GL 30B license announcement (first link):



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